Glass 
Book. 




GPO 



Utmo/j France a greater evil than itraon 
with Britain. 



>s<mm< 

A 



S E R M O N 



PREACHED IN ROWLEY, WEST-PARISH, 



AT THE 



ANNUAL FAST, APRIL 5th, 1810. 



By ISAAC BRA MAN. 



, hie niger est : hunc, tu Romane, caveto. 

Horace. 

Beware of the perfidious, ungodly nation. 
Come out from among them, and be ye separate, saith 
the Lord. St. Paul. 



HAVERHILL, (Mass.) 
Printed and Sold by William B. Allen. 
1810. 




'Of 



A SERMON. 




ISAIAH, vin, 12. 



SAY YE NOT, A CONFEDERACY, TO ALL THEM TO WHOM THIS 
PEOPLE SHALL SAY, A CONFEDERACY ; NEITHER FEAR YE 
THEIR FEAR, NOR BE AFRAID. 

3V1 Y chriftian brethren, we live in " a day of trouble 
and rebuke." The Lord is angry with his people, and his hand 
is lifted up to ftrike. Will he deliver us into the power of our 
enemies j fuffer our fields and our vineyards to be laid wafte \ 
and ourfelves to be carried captive by thofe that hate us ? Shall 
the blood of our warriors be fpilt in battle ; fo that our wives 
lhall become widows and our children fatherlefs ? Will God fuf- 
fer us to contend among ourfelves, till we are involved in all the 
horrors of a civil war ? a war than all others more dreadful. 
Shall foms foreign prince, or homeborn demagogue, taking ad- 
vantage from our divided ftate, and afllfied by the tranfatlantic 
tyrant, wreft the government from cur hands, and bend our 
necks to his galling yoke ? Shall he deprive us of our moft fac- 
red rights as freemen ; and trampling upon our civil conftitutions 
and laws, rule us with an abfolute fway ; taking our children to 
be his men-fervants and maid-fervants, and ourfelves to be hew- 
ers of wood and drawers of water at his pleafure ? Or will the 
righteous King of Heaven, juftly incenfed againft us for our mis, 
bring us more immediately under his chaftening rod, and fend 
famine or pefcileiice, or other wafting judgements, which fhall 
deprive us of our fweeteft comforts in life, and fill us with forrow 
and woe •, or fweep us from the face of the earth ? Alas ! we 
know not. Surely we cannot plead a merited exemption from 



4 



any of thefe evils, or deny that he is able to inflict them upon us*. 
Let us fervently pray, that we may fall into the hands of God, 
rather than into the hands of men. for his mercies are great, and 
who can tell, if his anger may be turned away, and his arm ftill 

Wretched out to fave. 

But it is faid, we inuft combat a foreign enemy. War ! war I 
is the topic of the day. The great queftion is, Againft whom 
ihall we un (heath the fword ? Both the leading powers of Eu- 
rope, it feems, have given us fome juft caufe of complaint. But > 
they are at enmity with eack other, and will not therefore unite 
and make common caufe againft us, or for us. Hence, for us to 
declare war againft either of them would, in effect, be to form 
a union with the other and to efpoufe her caufe ; and to form a 
coalition with the one, would be to wage war with the other. 
With whom then fhall we contend ? With whom unite ? De- 
clare war againft England, fay fome, and unite with France. 
This is more eaiily faid than proved to be juft or wife. It orig- 
inates perhaps partly from prejudice, partly from fear and a pre- 
emption, that by an alliance with powerful France we fhould 
foon be free from all our troubles, and rendered fafe and happy. 
But this prejudice, this fear, and this prefumption may all be un- 
founded and vain, the opinion of few or many wife men to the 
contrary notwithstanding. The voice of the people is not always 
the voice of God. "For the Lord fpake thus to me with a 
ftrong hand, and inftructed me, that I fhould not walk in the way 
of this people, faying, fay ye not, A confederacy, to all them, to 
whom this people fhall fay, A confederacy , neither fear ye their 
fear nor be afraid." 

It is not my defign to plead for war with either nation ; from 
which may Heaven mercifully preferve us ; nor yet for an alli- 
ance with either. My object will be to fhow the comparatively 
greater evil and danger of a clofe connexion with France than of 
a connexion with Great-Britain. You will not expect the fub- 
ject to be ably difcuffed, as by a fkilful politician, But you will 



fufier me to refrefh your minds with a few things which con- 
cern us, as men and as chriftians. 

1. The inconvenience and difficulty of a clofe connexion with 
Grangers, whofe langague, manners and habits are fo entirely dif- 
ferent from ours, as are thofe of the French, may not be deemed 
wholly unworthy our regard. By an alliance with them, as 
things now are, we muft enter into all their interefcs and concerns 
in peace or war. There would be occafion to mingle much with 
them at home and abroad. Our country would be full of French- 
men ; and our citizens would probably be fcattered in moft of 
the countries and principal towns of France. But what mutual 
inconvenience would attend the afibciation and intercourfe of 
thefe two kinds of people. If there were no other obstruction, 
their manners and habits are fo entirely different from ours, that 
an intimate union would not be eafy, nor natural. They would 
not be readily perfuaded to adopt our manners, cufcoms and hab- 
its ; nor could we without much inconvenience adopt theirs. 
Their views of morality and religion which muft inevitably have 
influence more or lels upon their general conduct, it is thought, 
would not add to the felicity of America, if embraced by her cit- 
izens. But a great difficulty attending an intimate and familiar 
intercourfe with that nation, were fuch intercourfe otherwife de- 
firable, is, that our languages are exceedingly diffimilar. Few on 
either fide underftand the language of the other. In general we 
might as well undertake to hold intercourfe wichthedeafanddumb 
as with them, or they with us. It was thought a very great evil 
by God's ancient church to have an intimate connexion with peo- 
ple of a Jlrange Jpeech, or of a Jlrange language. It is mentioned as 
one of the great bleflings of their deliverance from Egypt, that 
they went out from a people of Jlrange language. And to be fcourged, 
by fuch a people, was deemed one of the foreft judgments of 
Heaven. Agreeably when their national fins had become ex- 
ceedingly great, they were thus threatened. " Lo, I will bring 
a nation upon you from far> O houfe of Ifrael, faith the Lord *, 



6 



it Is a mighty nation, it is an ancient nation, a nation whofe lan~ 
jtuage thou knowejl not y neither underflandejl what they fay"* We 
do not impute criminality to any nation for having a language 
different from our own ; nor to thofe individuals, who having 
leifure and other advantages, are difpofed to acquaint themfelves 
with the language and manners of other nations. But certainly it 
is no defirable thing to form a clofe and needle fs connexion with 
a people whofe manners and moral fentiments are fo unlike ours - 9 
'and whofe language, to far the greater part of our fellow-citizens, 
would convey no ideas. Should an individual addrefs us,* we 
could fcarcely determine whether it were in the language of affec- 
tion, or in the tone of anger, threatning to plunge a dagger into 
cur hearts : which he might actually do before we were aware, 
and had made any attempt at defence or efcape. What connex- 
ion do we deilre with fuch a people, except to hold fo much 
commercial intercourfe with them, as may be for our mutual in- 
tereft, and to treat them with juflice and humanity, as fellow- 
creatures ? . 

An alliance and intimate connexion with England would not 
be attended with all this inconvenience and difficulty. It would not 
be fo unnatural and prepoflerous. The Englifii are not ftrangers, 
but our brethren and kinfmen. We are bone of their bone, and 
fiefh of their flefh ; allied by birth and blood ; defendants from 
the fame flock. Our moral and religious fentiments are fubftan- 
tially the lame as theirs. Our manners and habits are, in a great 
degree, fimilar. Our language the very fame.f Our ideas can 

*Pfalm 114, 1. Jeremiah 5, 15. 
f J am aware of the following objeBion^ viz. That the language 
fpoken by all the people of the united kingdom of Great-Britain and Ire- 
land is not true Englifh. To this it may be replied \ The Engli/h is the 
prevailing language / it is the court language^ and that in which their 
public and national concerns are tranfacled ; confequently that alone 
ivith which we 3 if allied to them^Jhould have any particular concern. 
This chfervation, fo far as we are interefled in it, will apply to their 
moral fentiments % manners and habits* 



7 



fre ealily communicated to them, and theirs to us. So like are 
they in every refpect to ourfelves, that when we meet and converfe 
with an Englifhman, we know it not. We contemplate him not 
as a ftranger, a foreigner, but as a fellow-citizen, a friend, a broth- 
er ; for ought we know,born and educated among us. How ea- 
fy and convenient to affociate with fuch a people. How natural 
and proper to treat thofe, with whom we are thus united b^ the 
ties of blood, whofe language is the fame, whofe manners and 
moral fentiments are fo fimilar, as brethren and friends ; and if 
we mult form a clofe alliance with either of the beligerents, to 
form it with our brethren rather than with ftrangers. 

2. That intimacy with France which would refult from a na- 
tional alliance with her, at this time, would be fraught with evil 
and danger on account of the diffimilarity of our governments. 
Our's is a republican government \ theirs defpotic in the highefl 
degree. Here we all poffels equal rights and privileges ; we 
choofe our own rulers at ftated periods, and we choofe whom we 
pleafe, without fear or control. And what ought to be reckoned 
a moft invaluable privilege, thofe who are deemed the loweft by 
birth may be raifed to the highefl: offices in the nation. Here 
our laws are made in effect by ourfelves, as they are made by 
thofe whom we appoint to legiflate for us, and whom, if they do 
not anfwer our expectations and delires, we remove, and appoint 
others in their ftead. We are governed by thefe laws of our 
own making ; which are generally known ; and we hnow what 
to expect if we tranfgrefs them. Without tranfgreiSng we fear 
no punifhment. It is not fo in France. There the tyrant fits 
immoveable upon his throne, and whether loved or hated, it is 
the fame. All the affairs of the great empire are governed ac- 
cording to his pleafure \ and if he do ever fo much evil, there is 
no remedy. It is true, there is that which is confidered a Legif. 
lative Body ; but it is all delufion, all a mockery. The will of the 
Emperor is law, whether known or unknown. So great is his 
influence and the terror of his wrath, if not his acknowledged 



authority, that legislators no lefs than governors and judges, are 
the creatures of his power, made and unmade as he pleafes. 
Their higheft ambition, therefore, will naturally be to pleafe 
their fovereign 5 that they may enjoy his favor. To promote the 
peace, happinefs and beft interefts of the people will be, to fay 
the leafr, but a fecondary object with them. 

N«w would there not be great danger in affociating much with 
a people, whofe government, and views of government are fo 
totally different from ours ? "Would they not be likely to diffem- 
inate political opinions among us inconfifient with our republi- 
can in ftitutions ; more efpecially, as it is evidently the will of 
their Mafter to banifh civil liberty from the earth, and to fubject 
the world to his nod ? Republican Governments are fpots and 
blemifhes on the map of the world, in the eye of Napoleon, which 
ought to be wiped off. Devotion to the will of their fovereign 
will naturally induce his fubjects, wherever they can have influ- 
ence, to endeavor to effect his purpofe. Add to this, that habit 
Is a fecond nature, and the people of France may foon be fo 
blinded as to believe, that their government is far preferable to 
ours ; fo that from conviction, no lefs than from fervile fear of 
their Emperor, they might attempt a revolution in our country. 
From thefe confederations it appears, there would be evil and 
danger in an intimate connexion with France, on account of the 
diffimilarity of our governments. 

Let it be underftood, we plead not for a union with England 
againft France. But it ought to be recollected in this connexion, 
that the government of the former is not fo diffimilar to our own 
as that of the latter, and confequently that union with the one 
would not be fraught with fo great political evil and danger, as 
union with the other. The government of England is called 
monarchical ; but it is a very limited monarchy. The power of 
their king is little more than that of our prefxdent. Both have 
their Cabinet Council to advile with them on the great affairs of 
flate. And in each nation there are two houfes of legiflature, 



2 



by whom the laws are made, and who have a great control over 
the conduct of the chief magiftrate. It is worthy of remark that 
the members of the lower houfe of the Britifh parliament are 
chofen direaiy by the people. This houfe of commons has pow- 
er to enquire into all national grievances, in order to fee them 
redreffed. All bills by which money is directed to be raifed 
upon the fubject, for any purpofe whatever, originate with them. 
Nor can fuch bills receive any alteration from the houfe of lords. 
No law can be made to bind the fubjeet, unlefs the houfe of com- 
mons, the reprefentatives of the people, give their confent. So 
that the people of England are fubject to no involuntary burdens 
impofed by government ; nor are they liable to be ftript of any 
of their privileges, without a voluntary furrender of them. # 
They enjoy the ineftimable privilege of trial by jury; and like 
Americans in general, entertain a highfenfe of liberty. What 
probability is there, that they will foon be difpofed to furrender 
their privileges, or prefer defpotifm to national freedom ? What 
reafon to fear any great "anti-republican tendency" from a union 
with a nation whofe government is, in many refpects, fo near 
republican, and whofe political fentiments are generally averfe to 
tyranny ? The danger of connecting ourfelves with fuch a peo- 
ple muft be comparatively fmall, in refpect to diffimilarity of 
government and views of government, much fmalier than that of 
a connexion with France. 

3. To form an alliance with France, at this time, would be to 
league againft the natural rights of mankind. Her object is to 
bring all nations, with whom flie contends, to bow to her fcep- 
tre, or to renounce their forms of government, and to adopt fuch 
a form as is moft agreeable to her ; otherwife to deftroy them.f 
If we join with her againft England and her other enemies, we 
muft imbibe, at leaft, fupport her fpirit to pluck up, to pull down 
and to deftroy nations not a few. All who refift mult perifh. 

^Guthrie's Geography. 
^Witnefs her treatment cf Holland* Switzerland, Spain, Pc-rtugal&fc* 
B 



10 



W e muft afilfi: in all her nefarious fcliemes to revolutionize the 
world, to reduce all to one great empire of which Bonaparte 
would be the head. Would not this be an evil if it could be effect- 
ed ? Would not the attempt be a fin, the worft. of evils ? What 
right have we to interfere with the internal policy of other na- 
tions ? Or to deprive them of the kind of government which 
they have formed for themfelves, or to which they choofe to 
fubmit ? Would it not be inconfiftent with our high profeffions 
of liberty and equality, to voluntarily ahlft in deftroying the lib- 
erties of others, and fubje&ing all to the will of a defpot ? 

Thefe evils would not follow from an alliance with England ; 
or not in fo great a degree. She has not generally difcovered an 
inclination to interfere with the governments of other nations, 
except to fupport thofe which were " tottering to their fall." 
Such were her exertions in France, to maintain, or reftore the 
ancient monarchy, and to fupport the rights of the houfe of Bour- 
bon ; which none will pretend were lefs valid than thofe of the 
Corfican brood : As no honeft, intelligent man will fay, that the 
government of the former was more tyranical than that exercifed 
by the Chiefs of the latter. Similar exertions {he has made in 
Spain and Portugal, and for fimilar purpofes ; not to deftroy but 
to fupport the ancient governments of thofe Countries ; and to 
defend both fovereigns and people again ft the encroachments of 
the French. Nor has £he been wanting in friendfhip for repub- 
lies in Europe, while any exifted, whom fhe was ready to defend 
again ft the fame gigantic foe. # Whatever was her motive, the 
fact is certain, that England has generally difcovered more regard 
for the rights of men, both rulers and fubjecb, than has been dif- 
covered by France. She has not ufed fuch unhallowed means 
to fubjugate the world, and to trample laws and liberties, rulers 
and people under her feet. Therefore an alliance with her, a- 
gainft her enemies, muft be deemed a lefs evil than an alliance 
with France. 

* Holland, Switzerland and Geneva are injlances. 



II 



4. France is a perfidious nation, regardlefs of her moffc folemn 
oaths and treaties ; ihe has often betrayed and ruined thofe who 
confided in her fair promifes and profeflions of friendfhip ; thei e- 
fore an alliance with her, at this time, would be exceedingly peri- 
lous. We could not expect exemption from the ' common fate 
of thofe, who liftening to the firen voice of the charmer, have 
fubmitted to her embrace, and put themfelves in her power. 
She is not our friend, whatever her profeffions. She treats us as 
enemies, capturing, burning or finking our vefTels which come 
within her reach, detaining and confifcating, on any flight pre- 
text, others which enter her ports, and confining the crews in 
dreary prifons.* If ihe profeffes friendfhip, her " conduct gives 
the lie to her profefiion. She embraces but to defrroy. From 
what has been, we may argue with fome degree of probability, 
what will be. The abufive treatment which we have already re- 
ceived from her would be increafed, if her advantage over us 
were increafed, as it would be, fhould we form an alliance with 
her againft England ; making the latter our enemy, She would 
have us much in her power, as we fhould be off our guard againft 
her ; and the only wooden walls on the ocean which now defend 
us, in fome meafure, from her rapacity, would not only ceafe to 
defend, but be converted into flaughter weapons againft us. Kow 
has the French nation treated others, who confided in her proffers 
of friendfhip, aiiurances of protection, promifes to refpect their 
infiuutions civil and religious, and to refrain from all perfonal 
abuie ? Againft the m'oft folemn promifes and oaths, fhe has 

* 'Ample proof of ' fuch like enormities is contained pi various letters 
from thoje who « did grind in the prifon houfe" in France ; and in 
other communications from that country, which* have been- puvlfhed. 
The following is a French account: ' « Paris, January 7, 1310. 
" Ihe Confiance privateer, burnt the American brig John, which was 
on her pajfage fran London to St. Mary's, one of the Azores"-— Herald, 

Seealfo Capt. Stone's account \ who lately ar l ived at Norfolk , from 
Calaisy in France. 



Ik 



|reated them, in many inftances, as flaves, yea as brutes and rep-* 
tiles, putting an iron yoke upon their necks, or trampling them 
under her feet. Such as dared refill, experienced a barbarity 
which would have -difgraced the favages of the wildernefs. Be- 
fide putting. all to the fword, without diftinction of age or fex, 
enormities have fometimes been committed, both on the living 
and the dead, which decency forbids us to mention at this time. 
Venice, Holland, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal and many other 
ftates have, in their turn, experienced the French fraternal em- 
brace, fatal as the famed Bohan Upj* of the Eaft, which infli&s 
death on all furrounding objects. Where are the liberties ? 
• Where the ancient governments of thofe countries, which im- 
prudently confided in the fair promifes of the great nation ? 
Alas, where, but trampled in the du-ft, together with the blood 
and mangled carcaffes of millions of their Haughtered citizens I 
Such my chriftian brethren, is French faith ! French amity ! In 
thefe ways it is, flbe evinces her regard for treaties j her friend fliip 
for thofe within her grafp. Such bleffed effects, we might juftly 
expect from her folicitude for our good, fliould we once put our- 
felves in her power by a clofe alliance, provoking the reientment 
of England. We fhould probably have a monarch placed over 
us, not of our own choofing, but fuch as his, Imperial Majefty, 
in his great 'goodnefs would condefcend to beftow. Should we 
dare to lift a hand, or utter a murmuring word againft the king 
making tyrant, we muft atone for the horrid crime, not by the 
facrifice of our liberties only, but by our blood, and that of our 
wives, children and friends. 

Some of our warm advocates for French politics, at the fouth- 
ward* have already given out, that we muft have a king in Amer* 

name of a tree long fuppofed to exijl in the IJleof Java ; with* 
m many miles of which no animal could live 9 nor ve git able grow. But 
it is now known to be a fic~lion. 



ica. # And it is worthy our recolIe£tion,that we now have a young 
kingling, of French Imperial blood, born in our land and nur- 
tured in the heart of our country, with much care and expenfe, 
by the agents of Napoleon. Whether this " royal boy" is to be 
our future fovereign, or one reared in a climate more congenial 
to the growth of monarchs, or whether we are to be made a mere 
appendage of France and governed by a viceroy appointed by the 
emperor, is what we cannot now determine. 

My Brethren, if we feel indignant at the thought ; if the fpirit 
of patrioufm, of independence glow in our bofoms, and we are 
ready to exclaim, we will fooner fufFer death than fubmit to fuch 
humiliating treatment, from any foreign defpot, then let us unit- 
edly refolve before it be too late, and iecond our refolution with 
every lawful exertion in our power, that we will have no unnec- 
essary connexion with France. W e will not confide in her faith- 
lefs promiies, nor be duped by her fpecious offers of friendfhip. 
We will not believe that the nation which has uniformly dealt in 
fraud and deception, for a feries of years, can ever fpeak the truth, 
when intereft, imaginary glory and infatiabie ambition are againft 
it. We will not believe a people to be friends, who invariably 
*£k the part of Enemies toward us and toward all who refufe obe- 
dience to h££ imperious mandate. 

From a connexion with England, were fuch connexion nec- 
efTary,there would not be all the fame evils to fear. She is certainly 
poffeffed of more national honor and integrity, than has, for many 
years, appeared in France. England, we believe,is generally upright 
in her national conduct and humane, faithful to her treaties, and 
difpofed to be friendly toward thofe with whom fhe is connected. 
It is not often, that we hear of her violating the laws ef nations, 

*A fuggejlion of the kind is faid to have appeared, not longfince, in 
the " IVhig" a democratic paper printed at Baltimore : and, if I mif- 
take not, in the Aurora alfo s a paper of the fame political complexion, 



€>? making an unprovoked attack upon others.* She has gener- 
ally refpected our flag upon the waters ; and when any infult or 
injury has been exhibited, by her fubjetts,to our feamen, fhe has, 
readily difavowed the deed, and been willing to make ample fat- 
isfaction. Very ready has fhe appeared to live with us, on friend- 
ly and equitable terms, and even to protect us from the lawlefs 
aggrefiions of France. From paft experience of her conduct to- 
wards us, for many years, and a view of her treatment of others, 
we fee no great reafon to doubt her fincerity ; or that a treaty 
with her would be refpected on her part. 

England can have no fufiicient motive, at prefent, to break 
with America. " It is not a time for her to provoke new ene- 
mies, and ftill lefs commercial enemies, thofe whofe markets and 
whofe merchants fupply her with the means and finews of war."f 
Let it be remembered, fhe has once tried her flrength with A- 
xnerica to her forrow, and will not be likely foon to do it again, 
. unlefs we are the aggreffors. It is not believed, that either the 
fove'reign or people of that country, can harbor an expectation 
of ever reducing us again to the itate of colonies ; or that they 
have any difpcfition to hazard another war with us, unlefs pro- 
voked by fome unjuitifiable conduct on our part. 

Do we wonder that if England defires peace and friendfhip 
with us, why fhe does not exhibit ftronger proofs of her affection, 

*The Copenhagen affair l ? Jo much reprobated, is perhaps an excep- 
tion. I know not the merits of the caufe ; and till I do, am not clifpofed 
to difpute thofe who call it a mojl horrid and unwarrantable deed. My 
object is not to hide or extenuate the offences of Britian ; - but only to 
JIjow, what I believe to be f richly true, that they are far lefs in num- 
ber and atrocity, than thofe of France. 

f Vide Bell's Meffenger, an Englifh paper. "America and Eng- 
c< land from the fimple relation of buyer and feller ought to be in a fate 
«< of perpetual peace. They have not naturally an object of contention or 

rival/hip > it is the inter eff of each that the other fhould thrive" Idem. 
See atfo the Lord Chancellor's latefpeech to both houfes of Parliament ; 
%v]?ich breathe a friendly fpirit toward America, 



and aflume a more humble tone and pofture in her negociations I 
Let us recollect that we were once her colonies, that we rebelled 
againft our parent country, though as we think for juft reafons,and 
broke her yoke from off our necks. Then if we pofiefs common 
ie^fe and fome little knowledge of human nature, we fhall won- 
dir no longer, except that fhe exhibits fo much evidence of a 
temper, both pacific and friendly. Taking into view her nation- 
al pride, and the prejudices {he muft naturally have imbibed a- 
gainft us, would it be rational to expect fhe fhould now owe us 
no grudge. Could we expect her old prejudices would fo foori 
" be removed, and that her feelings would be wholly recovered 
from the wound they received, when we revolted from her gov- 
ernment ? That, with all her pride and ftrength, and as vte 
muft naturally think, juft caufe of diflike, fhe fhould treat us 
with honor and equity, is furely as much as we could rationally* 
hope. But fhe has done more. She has treated us as friends, 
both in her public negociations, and in many inftances cf kind- 
nefs fhown to our feamen in diftrefs ; alfo in her attentions to 
thofe who have entered her ports and landed on her fhorcs. 
Great-Britain is an honorable nation and ufually, to fay no more, 
faithful to her treaties. Toward us, {he is moil evidently pacific 
and friendly. And if a union with either of the belligerents in 
Europe againfl the other were neceflary and proper, there would 
be far lefs evil to fear from a union with England; than from the 
fame with her perfidious antagonlfl, France. 

5. The great wickednefs of the French nation, her impiety 
and immorality render a connexion with her exceedingly impro- 
per and dangerous. She is totally deftitute of religious princi- 
ple, and as might naturally be expected, abandoned to all iniqui- 
ty. " Her fin is written with a pen of iron, and with the point 
of a diamond." Such is her difregard of religious truth, fuch her 
contempt of moral duties, as clearly to evince, that fhe is at war 
with Heaven. And do we, my chriftian brethren, wifh to unite 
with her. « and attempt the unequal war ?" It is true, the peo- 



. IS 

pie of France now profefs the religion called Roman Catholic* 
which is a mixture of heathemfm and chriftianty. But there is 
no evidence of a fincere belief, or regard for that religion, defi- 
cient and abfurd as it is. The Pope has ever been a mere tool of 
the great Emperor, to help fupport his ufurped throne, and ^ o 
function all his acts of oppreilion and wickednefs* 

When Bonaparte was firft placed at the head of the Frencn 
people, he found them a nation of Atheifts. They had abolilhed 
popery and fubftiiuted no religion ;n its (lead. More than this, 
they had declared as a nation, "That there is no God ; that death 
is an everlafting {leep," &c. That arch politician, convinced that 
government and fubordination could not be well maintained a- 
mong a people deftiiute of all religious reilraint, and believing 
too, that the holy father would be a fit inftrument in his hand to 
promote his fchemes of felf-aggrandizement and domination, un- 
dertook to reftore the religion they had abolifhed. He fucceed- 
ed fo far as to give it a name to live. And when he wilhed to 
be crowned Emperor, his holinefs was invited, or rather com- 
manded, on pain of clofe confinement in a convent, to journey to 
Paris, and perform the ceremony. This mud: give it an air of 
great folemnity in the view of the ignorant and fuper flit ions, who 
would be led to confider it a holy anointing from Heaven. The 
Pope did as commanded, and pronounced the Emperor a pious foil 
of the church. The French people alio, who, but a Oiort time 
before, were avowed atheifts, having been compelled by their em- 
peror to re-embrace popery, were declared to b,e remarkable for 
their piety and devotion to the Holy See.* TJiis is profefTedly 
their national religion, this the manner of its being reftored to 
them after they had formally declared all religion to be impofture 
and delufion. But thofe who have lately refided in that country 
tell us, there is little or no attention paid to religion of any kind 
in France, except fo much as is neceffary to keep alive the ex- 

* See his holinefs' letter on the occafion. % written before he returned 
to Rome, 



17 



ternal ceremonies of popery. On the contrary, the Chriftaia 
Sabbath is a mere holyday ; and vice in aim oft every form 
greatly abounds. As a nation there is manifeftly no fear of God 
among them, nor regard for the peace and happinefs of their 
fellow men. 

Shall we unite ourfelves with fuch a nation as this ? God for- 
bid ! " O my foul, come not thou into their fecret ! Unto their 
affembly mine honor be not thou united I" Befide the great dan- 
ger of our citizens being contaminated with the corrupt princi- 
ples and evil practices of France, Ihould we fuffer a too intimate 
connexion, and frequent intercourfe with her, is there not rea- 
fon to fear that God would be angry, that he would caft us away 
from his prefence, and devote us to deftruction ? We cannot be 
juftified in forming a union with the wicked, when fuch union 
would imply a confidence in ' hem, an approbation of their con- 
duct, or an obligation to affiii them in their wicked fchemes and 
projects. If God's ancient people were reproved, and threaten- 
ed with ruin, for feeking to league themfelves with his enemies, 
can we expect to efcape, if we voluntarily unite with thofe of 
fimilar character ? 

The religious character of England is entirely different from 
that of France. England, of all the world, is at prefent the nur- 
fery of what we believe to be the true religion, the only tr a : 
ligion. Unlike America, who has feen fit to leave the office of 
her firft Magiftrate open to Papifts, Jews, Mahometans, Infidels 
and Atheifts, England miift be governed by a king and other ru- 
lers who are avowedly of the Chriftian Proteftant. religion, and 
who believe in the doctrines commonly denominated orthodox. 
Our holy religion has *,fovpoffitive national fuppoft. And tho* 
in that country, as here, and in other places, there are feme mere 
nominal chriftians, who give no evidence of real vital piety, yec 
there are, it is believed, many exceptions. So far as we can 
judge from their fruits, there are many preachers, writers and 
others diftinguilhed for piety at the prefent day. Much ha ; 
C 



18 



been done there, more, probably, than in any other fe&ion of the 
globe, to revive pure religion among themfelves, and to fpread 
the glorious gofpel to the remoteft corners of the world. Mif- 
lionary focieties have been formed, and Miffionaries fent forth to 
enlighten and evangelize thofe who lit in the region and fhadow 
of death. And "in the year 1804, a fociety was formed in Lon- 
don, under the patronage of lome of the mo ft refpe&able names 
among the nobility, clergy, and others of every religious denom- 
ination, for the grand and fimple purpofe of diftributing the ho- 
ly fcriptures in all countries and in all languages."* Great has 
been their zeal, and great their fuccefs. Thoufands who have re- 
ceived the benefit of their chriftian chanty, now invoke the blef- 
lings of Heaven upon their heads. Their example has already 
produced feveral Bible Societies in this country ; on the firffc of 
whichf they gratuitoufly beftowed a considerable fum to encour- 
age and affift its members in their pious exertions to extend the 
knowledge of facred truth. 

Has France ever done any thing like this ?— Blufh, blufh, ye 
chriftians, who would ftand forth in her defence 1 France has no 
concern with the true religion j nor with any religion, except as 
an engine of ftate to fupport the ufurped power of her chief, and 
to cover her abominable deeds. Who does not fee the perfect 
contrail between thefe two countries in a moral and religious 
view ? Who that has any real regard for religion, or the happi- 

*See Addrefsofthe Bible Society of Majfachufetts. 

\That in Philadelphia ; to which the « Britifi and Foreign Bible 
Society" in January 1809 voted the fum of two hundred pounds fler- 
ling ; and generovfly offered much more, on condition that " the fcale of 
the inflitution might be fo extended as to embrace the whole of the United 
States" Evangelical Intelligencer, for April 1809. ; 

The African Institution fo honorable to the Briti/h name deferves U 
be mentioned here. Its objeft is to ameliorate the condition of the poor 
Africans by introducing civilization , fcience and religion among them, 
as a reparation of the injuries they have fuffered by the slave trade : 
which by the way was fometime fines abolifoed in England. 



19 

nefs of man ? Who, I had almoft faid, that has a confcience in 
his breafl, would not prefer a connexion with England to a con- 
nexion with France ? Who would not pray for the profperity of 
the former rather than for that of the latter, as their national 
characters now ftand ? It feems to be morally impoflible, that 
any man of real piety, with his eyes open, fhould pray for the 
downfal of England, at the prefent day, or that France might get 
the afcendency oyer her. It would be in effect to pray for the 
triumph of the wicked, and that the righteous might be brought 
low. If we cannot confiftently pray for this how can we think 
of uniting with France in all her infernal fchemes againfl England, 
as well as againfl the rights and liberties of mankind in general ! 
How dare we unite with thole who are enemies to our God ! 
Confidering the difference of their religious character, would not 
the danger of uniting with the former be much greater than that 
of uniting with the latter ? 

6. It may be a confederation of fome weight with thofe who 
are actuated by a principal of fear, in their defire to form alliances, 
that though England is lefs dangerous as a friend, fhe is far more 
dangerous as an enemy than France. She is capable, if difpofed, 
of doing us much greater harm. 

Though we hold up France as an object of dread, it is not in 
the character of an open ememy, but in that of a profefTed friend, 
that we confider her fo much to be feared. While we view her 
as a foe, we may with vigilance avoid her fnares, and with due ex- 
ertion, muting in a God of invincible flrength, defend ourfelves 
againfl her unproked hoflilities. But if we embrace her as a 
friend, we take a viper into our bofom, which, however he may 
charm us for a while, till lulled to fecurity from a belief of his 
innoxioufnefs, will at length bite like a ferpent and fling like an 
adder. We mould be in the power of a nation whofe tender 
mercies are cruelty. 

From England, on the other hand, we have nothing to fear a? 
a friend, but much as a foe. As a friend fhe will, as we have re a- 



20 



fori to believe, be faithful, and protect us in a great meafure from 
the afTaults and injuries of others ; ihe will defend and aflift us 
againft the French. Her power on the ocean is great, and may 
do much toward preventing a hoftile fleet from vifiting our fhores. 
But what could we, unprepared as we are, and defxitute of the 
means of defence g what could we do for fafety, if the only great 
naval power were turned againft us,as it would be in the event of 
an alliance with France. With all the help to be obtained from 
our fond allies, we could, at prefent, make but a feeble defence 
againft the warlike thunder of England. Though England evi- 
dently defires peace with America, fhe does not fear war if it be 
neceflnry. She can command the Atlantic in fpite of the world $ 
and nothing human could prevent her arriving with a fleet to our 
fhores, She might with eafe, it is believed, enter our ports and 
plunder and burn our cities, or land an army on the north.which 
would pour in upon us like a flood, fcattering death and devalua- 
tion far and wide. We fhould, in this cafe, be roufed to exer- 
tion ; and might under God, in time, repel the invading foe ; 
but not without much lofs of wealth and blood. Our trade and 
commerce would be in ruins, untill peace and amity were reftored. 

You will recollect the object of this difcourfe. It was not to 
urge an alliance with England, either as neceffary, or proper j 
but to ihow that it would be a iefs evii, and lefs to be feared than 
an alliance with France. How far we have fucceeded, you, my 
brethren, will judge. 

Lei: it not be plead, we received much infult and injury from 
England feme thirty or forty years ago, and muft therefore at 
all events hold her as an eneury. It is true that when we were 
fubject to her authority ihe laid upon us the iron hand of oppref- 
ncn. Bat we refented it and obtained ample revenge. And 
fijall we retain anger forever ? Is. it godlike never to forgive ? 
To harbor malice, when fhe offers us friendlhip 011 honorable 
terms ? The confideration, that the Engiifli are our brethren, 
fhould difarm us of all malice and ill will againft them. Thou 



flialt not hate thy brother in thine heart is the language of Je- 
hovah to his ancient people.* They were forbidden to abhor 
even an Ed o mite becaufe he was their brother .f The Edomites 
were defcendents of Efau, as the Ifraelits were of Ifrael or Jacob. 
Efau and Jacob were brothers. And though the former perfecu- 
the latter and fought to deftroy him ; though the Edomites had 
treated the children of Ifrael with cruelty, and made war againfl 
them without caufe ;J yet faid God, Thou fhalt not abhor an 
Edomite, for he is thy brother. 

The religious character of theEnglifh, the many hopefully pious 
people among them, and the exertions they are making to enlarge 
the kingdom of the great Redeemer, fhould draw us to them by the 
cords of love. My brethren, do we not wifh well to the people 
of God of whatever nation, and defire affinity with them who 
belong to the houfehold of faith ? Do we not defire the peace 
and profperity of thofe who are engaged in building up Zion ? 
" Pray for the peace of Jerufalem : they fhall profper that love 
thee. Peace be within thy wails, and profperity within thy pa- 
laces." 

But let us not truft in an arm of nefh. If the Lord be not 
our friend, we cannot expect fafety from man. If by our fins we 
have provoked God to that degree that he can endure us no lon- 
ger, a confederacy with any nation whether good or bad and 
however powerful, will not fkreen us from his vindictive juftice. 
The Lord can feparate the precious from the vile ; and though 
hand join in hand, the wicked fhall not go unpunifhed. Thus 
faith the Lord to the wicked who expect by their confederacies 
to ftrengthen themfelves againfl their enemies, or to efcape his 
righteous judgments. « Affociate yourfelves, O ye people, and 
ye fhall be broken in pieces ; and give ear, all ye of far countries ; 
gird yourfelves, and ye fhall be broken in pieces. Take counfel 
together, and it fhall come to nought ; fpeak the word, and it fhall 



*Levit. 19, 17. \Deut. 23, 7. %Numb. 20. 



22 



not fhmd. For the Lord fpake thus unto me with a ftrong 
hand and inftru&ed me, that I fhould not walk in the way of this 
people, faying, fay ye not, A confederacy, to all them to whom 
this people fhall fay, A confederacy." AH their leagues and confed- 
eracies would not fave them, if they were not at peace with God, 
if they did not truft in him. On the contrary, if God were their 
friend and portion, they would be fafe with all the world com- 
bined agrinft them. Hence it is added, " neither fear ye their 
fear nor be affraid." Truft in the Lord, and regard not the 
combinations which the wicked have formed againft you, for 
they fhall not profper. " But fanctify the Lord of hofts himfeff 
in your heart, and let him be your fear, and let him be your 
dread. And he fhall be for a fan&uary." Here is excellent in- 
{Iru&ion for us. We are not to confide in any alliances with 
men, certainly not with wicked men, a wicked nation, in hope 
of thus efcaping the righteous judgments of God. Nor if we 
make the Lord our truft, are we to fear the rage and power of 
our enemies. The Lord will ever be with his people and fave 
them. Neither nations, nor individual need fear, if the Lord be 
on their fide. They may indeed fuffer a while from the hands 
of their enemies, but they will be fafe in the hands of their God. 
If thofe who have highly provoked him by tranfgrefiion, repent 
and turn to him by righteoufnefs, he will not fail to accept and 
fave them. 

As this is a day of humiliation and prayer, let us call to mind 
our many fins, and enquire wherefore God is contending with us. 
That he is angry we may gather from the prefent degraded ftate 
of our country, once fo profperous and happy. The emptinefs 
of our treafury j the obftructions on our commerce the ftagna- 
tion of bufinefs ; the fpoilations and unprovoked infults we have 
experienced from others ; the obftacles which have arifen to an 
amicable fettlement of our difficulties with foreign nations ; our 
unreafonable partialities toward one nation, and no lefs unreafon- 
able antipathies againft the other 5 our pufillanimity in refpedl: of 



23 



demanding a redrefs of grievances from the nation againft whom 
they lie ; our interline broils and divifions *, and the threatening 
afpect of Providence in regard to war ; all thefe indicate thatGod 
is angry. Though the hands of men are concerned in them, 
and cannot be guiltlefs ; yet there is one that is higher than the 
children of men, who has their hearts and their hands under his 
control, and overrules all their actions according to his pleafure. 
That he fuffer thefe evils to come upon us, fhows, that he is an- 
gry. And we may be fure he is not angry without caufe. Is it 
not becaufe we have forfaken the Lord our God ? Fie does 
not afflict willingly. By our fins we have provoked him to anger, 
and he threatens to withdraw from his American Ifrael. We 
have profaned his fabbaths and neglected his ordinances of wor- 
fhip. And how little are we alarmed for our fins ! how little 
concerned for the glory of God, and for our own falvation ! In- 
iquity abounds, and the love of many faints has waxen cold. We 
have departed from the chriftian zeal and piety of our fathers, 
and have not earneftly, and perfeveringly contended for the faith 
once delivered to the faints. Therefore it is that God is angry, 
and hides his face from us ; therefore it is that he involves us in 
evil, and threatens to deliver us into the hands of our enemies. 
Nothing but a removal of the caufe will infure a removal of the 
evil. Inftead therefore of forming vain alliances, and putting 
truft in men who cannot fave, let us take to ourfelves words and 
turn to the Lord, befeeching him to give us repentance unto life, 
and to quicken us in duty. Let us devoutly pray him not to 
banifh us from his prefence, nor to take his holy fpirit away from 
us. His arm is not fhortened that it cannot fave, nor his ear 
heavy that it cannot hear. If we put away the evil of our doings, 
and humble ourfelves before him, he will grant a removal of all 
our evils, or give us grace fo to improve them that they fhall be 
converted into bleflings. He will finally redeem us from all 
iniquity, and out of all adverfity, and give us perfect peace and 
joy in his glorious kingdom above. 



2i< 

Then let the friends of God rejoice in him who will never 
forfakethem ; nor fufFer them to perifh by the judgements which 
he executeth upon the wicked. They may experience temporal 
evils, great, and grievous to be borne ; they may be called to part 
with life in the caufe of truth ; or be involved in one common 
calamity with the wicked. But amidfl all thefe evils, they are 
fafe and happy. The heavens fhali be diffolved ; the earth re- 
moved out of her place and burnt up ; but they that truft in the 
Lord fliall be as Mount Zion ; they iliall never be moved. 



Note. — Some fmall additions have been made to the Sermon ftnce . 
it was delivered. 



ERRATA. ' 

Page 10 line 14 from bottom, for Chiefs read Chief. 

: 12 : 10 from the top, for Bohan Upos read BoJyin Upas : . 
: 13 : 8 from the bottom, for her imperious mandate XQ^ad. 

their imperious mandates. 
% 15 : 13 from the top, for we read fie. 



/ 



/ 



) 



